media construction of reality between 2001 and 2007 for the standardization and social containment
December 2001: anger and rejection of the system
"He began December 19 in a tragic way: 5 dead on our side, due to the repression of looting. The inter-bourgeois struggle raged and sectors of the bourgeoisie unhappy with de la Rúa organized their fall. But people's needs go beyond that power struggle, the looting responded to more specific needs of the grassroots, resentidísimas and sharpened more than ever as a result of l crisis. Since the December 13 general strike put red-hot situation. The looting followed one another within the country January l, the protesters blocking a road and access to capital, and demonstrations were held, cacerolazos, power cuts, soup kitchens, roaches, power outlets, different locations of attacks and clashes with government police. During these 7 days before the feeling was everything was going to explode soon ... and it was. " [1]
revolutionary spontaneity of those days would lead then to organize meetings in neighborhoods, cooperation between assemblies and pickets, demonstrations, sampling and restoration of buildings as cultural centers or self-managed. The fight against political and economic power, and murder raged in Kosteki and Puente Avellaneda Santillan in the hands of the police so reflected.
March 2007: embrace realpolitik (even in its most authoritarian)
The Ibero-American Open University, since late 2003, tracks the evolution of the positive image of President Kirchner and his style of government. In the first aspect, the polls clearly show that a positive rating and stable, ranging between 82% at the beginning of 2004 to 71.7% in early 2007. Meanwhile, the status of its management as the parameter democratic / authoritarian showed a clear trend toward authoritarianism in February 2004, 63.9% considered democratic Kirchner and 9.8%, authoritarian. However (and despite their positive image and remained at very high values), in February 2007, 34.3% judged democratic K and 37.9% think it is authoritative. As
conclusion, much of society know that their leaders govern without consensus, he feels his views and those of other political actors have not the slightest interference. In a growing trend toward authoritarianism, and more people are convinced that the President does abuse his power and yet, approve, cheer and vote again. We face a society that approves surrender to the power of a despot and be governed almost de facto, a society that forgot (or not yet realized?) To "elect a new master, does not make us less slaves."
What happened in between?
Contrast between the two situations is amazing. On the one hand, a society in process of gathering and organizing, quite skeptical of politicians and apparatus gubernametal begins to build an alternative to democracy. On the other hand, the same company (the same company?) Supports President Kirchner and his henchmen, despite admitting his authoritarianism and ignored by the leaders know, in other words, consciously surrender the power of a new master . In the popular lexicon, it went from "Down All" traditional "but it steals." That passage is not accidental: there are a number of actors who more or less consciously, are responsible for imposing a vision of really prone to the "normalization" and social control.
The head is the same bourgeois power was threatened by the possibility of losing their privileges and the means used for this purpose is the culture, because "Who has the power makes reality to measure, and does so through culture. Culture becomes all that more or less complex set of elements whose mission is to legitimize that society is responsible to reproduce, to perpetuate " [2]
largest circulation newspapers, radio and TV signals were vehicles for the construction of this social lethargic. The scene of the mass media is:
'Grupo Clarín
Graphic Arts Editorial Argentino SA (AGEA) SA Journal Editor, Graphic Arts Rioplatense, Diario La Razón, Impripost, Printing and Distribution, CIMECO (investing companies Media) New Magazine, Newspaper and News Agency (DyN), Revista SMEs Página/12 Journal, Journal Rosario/12, Arts SA (Canal 13, TN), Multicanal SA, internet provider, Internet City (FLASH) Supercanal Holding, Trisa, Teledeporte SA, Encrypted Satellite Television SA Direct TV, Tele Red Image SA, Pol-Ka, Patagonik Film Group, Radio Mitre SA, Clarín Global Internet, PRIMA, GC Management Shared SA, Fairs and Exhibitions Argentinas SA, Noble Foundation, Papel Prensa SA
'Group
The Nation newspaper La Nación, CIMECO (investing companies Media), Magazine Management, Lugares Magazine, Rolling Stone Magazine, Living Magazine, Magazine Now Mom, The Garden in Argentina, Agencia Diarios y Noticias (DyN9, Papel Prensa SA, active exposure.
'Tournaments and Competitions / Ávila
Magazine Chart, Golf Digest Magazine, Power & Society Review, Radio Network, FM Pop 101, American TV, Trisa, TyCSports Signal, Sign TyC Max, Teledeporte SA, Entry Plus
'Grupo Admira (Telefónica Media from Spain)
Editorial García Ferré, Canal Telefé TeleféInternacional, eight channels inside the country, Tournaments and Competitions, Radio Continental, FM Hit 105.5, Patagonik Film Group SA, P & P Endemol Provider Internet: Advance and Speedy, Internet portal Terra, Telefonica de Argentina, Movistar mobile telephony, Sprayette.
'Hadad-Moneta Group
Infobae Journal, Infocampo Group, Radio 10, Radio La Mega 98.3 FM, FM Amadeus 103.75, HFS Media, Channel 9 TV (recently sold a majority stake to a multinational conlglomerado latinoamercano, highlighting among Televisa), a channel inside the country, Infobae.com, Infobae Journal, F5 News Channel.
'Group
Profile Profile Journal, Editorial Perfil SA, Caras magazine, Magazine Man, Super Country Magazine, Magazine Windshield, Journal News, Fortune Magazine, site includes the holding profile perfil.com International, based in Austria with offices in Argentina , Chile, Brazil, Portugal and Anglo (Revista Caras SA)
'State
Group Channel 7, Radio Nacional, TELAM News Agency, various regional media. Although after the neoliberal privatization wave decreased state power in the media currently in power sector has through proxies and allies powerful influence in the media. Thus, the Kirchner government has several business-government intervention in Wall Street SA media (posters, owned by the Secretary of Resources, Enrique Albistur), 7 Days magazine, Revista Debate Vientitrés Magazine, Newsweek Magazine Argentina, SA Editorial page ( Página/12, Rosario/12 Journal) In addition, contacts in other media holdings (mainly in Group and Grupo Clarin Hadad-Moneta)
Thus we see that all mass media are controlled by large economic groups that serve the interests of the upper and even come in various partnerships where they (Agence DyN, Papel Prensa SA, T & CIMECO) [3] also noticed that in recent months there has been an important advanced multimedia multinationals in national groups. Admira English holding company joins Goldman Sachs Corporation (South Africa), a leader in telecommunications in Africa, Asia and Brazil, which acquired 51% of Grupo Clarin, the transnational of the Mexican González (with a strong presence in Latin), which bought Channel 9 and the Time Warner to expand its traditional label industry and producer acquired the most watched cable channels. [4] There is then media responding not only to the interests of the national bourgeoisie, but also to lobby international financier.
In 2005, Decree 525/2005 signed by President Kirchner ordered the ten-year extension of the radio and television licenses. As plain as you can see the murky relationship between power groups, media, culture and government.
I propose to you the reader, the following exercise: try to represent your daily routine, work. From the moment you turn on your TV or radio in the morning, after transit through the streets daily covers, billboards, revealing interviews in magazines and Internet portals with headlines of newspapers until he returns home and turns on the television or radio before sleep. Although you propose it is impossible to escape the discourse of the mass media.
For 5 years, every day has been sneaking up on us a completely subjective view of political, social and economic. It is the vision of the bourgeoisie, standing in the apparent objectivity of the mass media. And this cut is finished installing definitely like what ordinary Argentines actually means, imposing agenda, discourse and action. More specifically, the way he has been manipulating these five years public opinion (in pursuit of social control) is based on the criminalization of protest.
How information is handled? Resources to criminalize protest and isolate the lower class from the rest of society.
All protester (especially the picket) is seen as a fierce member of a pack that assaults the city and create chaos, understood as the invasion of a territory that does not belong. Specifically, the complaint ceases to be a political fact to become a riot vehicles, demonizing the protester and isolating its power of compelling circumstances. Thus, building a "normal" institutional vehicular, work ... everything that is opposed to that parameter is marked by considerations pejorative. But the procedure does not end here, in addition to the depoliticization of protest and confrontation with the "normal" can be identified as a recurrent resource-poor association vs protest. Immobility good people. Thus, the middle classes away from the revolt, something seemingly oblivious to her and sticks to the advertising model of the quiet middle-class life, in which agitation and mobility are synonymous with chaos, of course, this is accompanied by false suggestion by indicators of economic growth and the manipulation of inflation, cost of living, poverty and destitution.
Similarly, the various instances of the answer to the protest as an act of violence, whether from the armed forces and police, law or disapproving of Justice response. This association-violence protest, broadcast by the state and the media is the excuse for the definitive separation of the political assets: the protester's violent, creates chaos, disrupts normal, ergo, the protester is not a citizen. [5]
then a closed circle of poverty-protest-crime, where the movement is "poor thing" and therefore is violent, in addition to violence, even outside of the protests, is identified with the lower class. A consequence of this link, it encourages a collective imagination reactionary xenophobia latent in society, which ends of carrying out the aversion of society both in the mobilization and the majority of the popular sectors. [6] It capital development of a sense of insecurity generated by the "over-representation of crime" [7] . For this purpose, "The printing press uses two forms: the popular daily readership (Chronicle, People's Journal) can be grouped at the top of the day a series of crimes that occur in these scenarios, but not interrelated. Considered individually, the news usually have low newsworthiness, but the selection and grouping arbitrary and circumstances, and its presentation at the top accompanied by a sensationalist rhetoric with images of dramatic impact, challenge the reader's emotions, fear is internalized and impoverished these geographical become understood as dangerous.
For its part, the newspapers 'serious' (Clarín, La Nación) appeal to a supposedly more rational explanation of the geography of crime. Is the publication of statistics, maps and computer graphics that illustrate the reports disseminated law enforcement agencies on areas of the city and its periphery where reported and / or commit more crimes. But also for the particular case of the northern suburbs of Buenos Aires, these journals highlight the risk posed by that country clubs and gated communities in the vicinity have slums, implying that the whole area has become dangerous because it is poor, and above all, because there are poor people living near the rich. " [8] alegesubversion
From the blog, it also points to power through the media and official discourse has been associated uncertainty only individual crimes, small scale. This is actually a tactic of concealment of the great crimes of power: the private ownership of the means of production, the alienation of the freedom of the masses, the appropriation of popular political future and, as a defense for such privilege, repression. [9]
feeling of insecurity, uncertainty, identification grassroots, depoliticization of the protest, and opposite negative aspect to the social order of the demonstration, association, protest, violence ... during these 5 years the bourgeois power has demonstrated that its media resources to isolate the lower class society immobilize and demonize the protest are as varied as synergistic and effective.
"History is written by the win "Unfortunately, this statement is true as we think the role of media in the contemporary history of Argentina. If after 2001, he won was the system, the bourgeois who managed to return to "normalcy" and put back your device up economic, political and social domination, the story of 2001, then wrote, the mass media .
What was once a valuable episode of popular solidarity with several emerging pockets of self, is now seen another way: the days of 19 and 20 were a threat to the sacred "democratic" institutions, a source of risk for investment, a debacle of Argentina that led him to be a "banana republic" in reference to the succession of five presidents in one week (forgetting of course, that the presidents were overturned by the people discontent with the system) now viewed from the press and, therefore, from public opinion, as of December 2001 and all that came out of that movement as a stain in the past, a mistake that should not commit. Instability, lack of leadership, crisis agencies and politicians yesterday were part of a circumstance created by the people in the face of economic inequality today are regarded with fear only by a majority sector of society that has learned not to see their own misery.
To conclude
This is disappointing because of the social landscape. Individualism, fragmented groups, exclusion, stillness, freezing, the repudiation of politics, the sense of insecurity, tolerance and authoritarianism dirigencial mishadura have their roots in these "social levees" that provide the means . Are normal police, manufacturers of realities, creators of prejudice, immobilizing shock troops, all in the service of the bourgeoisie and perpetuate their unjust gets pole supported at the expense of the oppressed masses work physically and mentally. If we break
with this form of domination to seek freedom through self-management, we must flee the bourgeois media holdings and culture. The only way to waterproof is to have our own means of dissemination of ideas and facts, independent of the agenda and the discourse of the major power groups. Collective forms of news and publish pamphlets, go out into the street, we use word of mouth, we publish newspapers and books, all of them subversive, abnormal and libertarians.
way of opening
A graffiti in front of my house that prompted me to open this space for independent news, criticism and reflection. He says: "IF THE PRESS IS THE CAPITAL WALLS ARE OUR. " I take up the slogan and inaugurated anonymous then this blog, a wall, a contribution to the only possible alternative, self-management.
Footnotes
[1] Editorial, Children's Village (Libertarian Press Red Argentina) Number 5, December 2006
[2] vanishing point (the culture as a tool for standardization , inclusion, cohesion and social control "Josu Montero
[3] Source: The print media under the microscope, Ernesto Farías, Editorial Telmo, 2005
[4] According to Profile March 11, TBS I bought the signal-Sat, Infinito, Space, MuchMusic, FTV, HTV, besides marketing Chronicle and its previous TV channel Boomerang, Carton Network, TNT, TCM, CNN English, CNN Headline News and CNN International. According to its managers, TBS strategy is to dominate the entertainment industry and content for both cable TV and cell phones. The editorial is, of course, dependent on CNN International.
[5] The media criminalization. Symbolic exclusion devices in the news. " Marcelo Pereyra, 2006
[6] Maristella Svampa
[7] Geographies and maps of the crime. Texts and Contexts in the print media. " Marcelo Pereyra Paper VIII in the National Conference of Researchers in Communication, 2004
[8] Ibid
[9] "On crime and insecurity," http://alegresubversion.blogspot.com , Wednesday October 18, 2006
